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These times exhibit a very unique situation: the inaugural US procession of the babysitters. They vary in their qualifications and traits, but they all share the identical mission – to prevent an Israeli violation, or even devastation, of the fragile ceasefire. Since the conflict ended, there have been scant occasions without at least one of Donald Trump’s envoys on the scene. Just in the last few days saw the arrival of a senior advisor, Steve Witkoff, a senator and a political figure – all appearing to execute their assignments.

Israel occupies their time. In just a few days it initiated a series of strikes in the region after the killings of two Israeli military personnel – leading, based on accounts, in scores of Palestinian casualties. Multiple leaders called for a restart of the conflict, and the Knesset enacted a preliminary resolution to incorporate the West Bank. The American response was somehow ranging from “no” and “hell no.”

However in several ways, the Trump administration appears more focused on preserving the existing, unstable phase of the peace than on progressing to the next: the rehabilitation of Gaza. When it comes to this, it seems the United States may have aspirations but few tangible proposals.

For now, it is unclear at what point the proposed international governing body will truly begin operating, and the similar is true for the appointed peacekeeping troops – or even the identity of its soldiers. On a recent day, a US official said the US would not impose the composition of the foreign force on Israel. But if Benjamin Netanyahu’s administration keeps to dismiss one alternative after another – as it did with the Ankara's offer lately – what happens then? There is also the contrary point: who will determine whether the troops preferred by Israel are even prepared in the assignment?

The question of the duration it will take to neutralize Hamas is equally vague. “The expectation in the government is that the international security force is going to at this point take charge in demilitarizing Hamas,” said the official this week. “That’s may need a while.” Trump only reinforced the uncertainty, declaring in an discussion a few days ago that there is no “hard” timeline for Hamas to demilitarize. So, theoretically, the unnamed members of this still unformed international force could enter the territory while the organization's militants still remain in control. Would they be confronting a governing body or a guerrilla movement? Among the many of the questions emerging. Others might wonder what the verdict will be for ordinary Palestinians under current conditions, with the group continuing to focus on its own political rivals and opposition.

Current developments have afresh emphasized the gaps of Israeli journalism on both sides of the Gazan boundary. Every publication strives to analyze each potential angle of Hamas’s infractions of the truce. And, usually, the reality that the organization has been hindering the return of the bodies of killed Israeli captives has taken over the news.

On the other hand, reporting of non-combatant deaths in Gaza caused by Israeli attacks has garnered little notice – or none. Take the Israeli counter attacks following Sunday’s southern Gaza incident, in which two troops were fatally wounded. While Gaza’s authorities reported dozens of casualties, Israeli news commentators criticised the “light reaction,” which focused on only facilities.

That is typical. Over the recent weekend, the information bureau accused Israeli forces of infringing the truce with the group 47 occasions since the ceasefire was implemented, resulting in the loss of 38 Palestinians and wounding an additional many more. The allegation was insignificant to the majority of Israeli media outlets – it was merely missing. Even information that 11 members of a Palestinian household were lost their lives by Israeli soldiers recently.

The civil defence agency reported the family had been trying to go back to their home in the a Gaza City district of Gaza City when the vehicle they were in was targeted for supposedly passing the “boundary” that demarcates areas under Israeli army control. This yellow line is invisible to the naked eye and is visible solely on maps and in government records – not always obtainable to average individuals in the region.

Even this event barely rated a note in Israeli journalism. Channel 13 News covered it briefly on its digital site, quoting an IDF representative who explained that after a suspicious transport was spotted, forces fired warning shots towards it, “but the vehicle continued to advance on the forces in a fashion that created an imminent danger to them. The troops engaged to eliminate the risk, in accordance with the truce.” No casualties were claimed.

Amid such framing, it is no surprise a lot of Israelis think Hamas solely is to blame for violating the truce. This belief threatens prompting appeals for a more aggressive stance in Gaza.

Sooner or later – perhaps sooner rather than later – it will not be enough for all the president’s men to play kindergarten teachers, instructing the Israeli government what to refrain from. They will {have to|need